Tiridates III: The Life And Facts Of The King Of Arsacid Armenia (250-330 AD)

Today, on this blog, we continue to discuss about eastern monarchies. This time, we move to Armenia, located in the region today acknowledged as Eurasia, although more in proximity to eastern culture. It was very difficult to find a figure of monarchy in its history due to the lack of sources, but here we managed to bring one, nonetheless. His name is Tiridates III, sometimes nicknamed as 'The Great', however arguable this might be.

A warrior king, Tiridates was born likely around the year of 250 AD as the only son of Khosrov II, King of Armenia, and a woman whose name is lost to history. It is claimed that she was killed by a Parthian agent named Anak who served a Persian king named Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian Empire. We know almost nothing of  his early domestic life, except that he had a sister named Khosrovidukht and that he received his name on behalf of his paternal grandfather, Tiridates II of Armenia.

At a young age, however, we are brought to decisive events that would mark Tiridates' reign. As he was the presumptive heir to Armenian throne, he was taken safely to Rome when his father was assassinated. There, the new king:

"[...] was educated [...] and was skilled in languages and military tactics; in addition he firmly understood and appreciated Roman law. The Armenian historian Movses Khorenatsi described him as a brave and strong warrior who participated in the battles against enemies. He personally led his army to victories in many battles."

This period, in which above we are introduced to Tiridates' victories, is regarded as having been the reconquest of Armenia. Once his throne was secured, "[...] he made the citoy of Vagharshapat his capital, as it had been the capital of his late father". But, in spite of the victories he accomplished throughout the battles that led to him become officially the king of Armenia, especially when sending away from his territory his enemies and fighting into Assyria, not all of his deeds would be accompanied by good fortune. As seen below:

"At the time the Persian Empire was in a distracted state. The throne was disputed by the ambition of two contending brothers, Hormuz and Narses. The civil war was, however, soon terminated and Narses was universally acknowledged as King of Persia. Narses then directed his whole force against the foreign enemy. The contest then became too unequal. Tiridates once more took refuge with the Romans. The Roman-Armenian alliance grew stronger, specially while Diocletian ruled the empire. This can be attributed to the upbringing of Tiridates, the consistent Persian agressions and the murder of his father by Anak. With Diocletian's help, Tiridates pushed the Persians out of Armenia. In 299, Diocletian left the Armenian state in a quasi-independent and proctetorate state possibly to use it as a buffer in case of a Persian attack."

Following these events, we are told briefly that Tiridates married "an Alani Princess called Ashkhen in 297 by whom he had three children: a son called Khosrov III, a daughter called Salome and an unnamed daughter who married St Husik I". Other than that we cannot tell how these familiar relations worked or how they were cultivated. As formerly mentioned, there were not many informations, sources in general that we could have been fortunate to find.

But Armenia's conversion to Christianity is one debatable matter that should be discussed. Although we are not very familiar with Armenian's polytheism, we are aware that such form of praise was very strong in that region. So here lies the question: how did Christianity manage to sweep it away? As we will find out, it was far from being a pacific form that Christian religion replaced the polytheistic one. This is much to be credited to Gregory the Illuminator, saint of the Orthodox Church who is also celebrated in Catholic one. Here's how his role in propagating Christian values and morality ended to converting the king, who established this religion the one of State:

"The conversion of Armenia was the work of Gregory the Illuminator, the apostle of the Armenians. Converso to the Christianity of Caesarea, he began to preach the new religion towards the year 280, when Tiridates re-conquered Armenia. He had great ascendancy over Khosrovidukht, a sister of the king, thanks to which he ended up enjoying the favouritism of the sovereign: a very characteristic process, since we know that the clergy have always used women, sisters, wives or beloved of the princes to dominate them. By this procedure the 'Christianization' of entire nation was achieved."

Therefore,

"Persuaded by his sister, King Tiridates finally sent a delegation headed by Gregory to Caesarea. Once there, the ordinary Leontius made him bishop and spiritual head of the Armenian Church. Shortly after Tiridates and his wife Ashken were converted, they promulgated an edict by which all the subjects (as Sozomen, historian of the Church, recounts) were forced to embrace the religion of the monarch. It is the first proclamation of Christianity as the official religion." 

As a result,

"Backed and protected by the king, Gregory devoted himself to throughly destroying the temples to replace them with Christian churches, which were also endowed with generosity. In Artaxata, which had been a prominent centre of polytheism, 'the wonderful Gregory' (as Faustus of Byzantium called him) razed the temple of Vahagn (Hercules), that of Astiik (Venus) and that of Anahit; then he built a splendid Christian church destined to be the new 'national sanctuary' of Armenia". 

This conversion, although allegedly partially done to provoke the Persians, was imposed -as has already been pointed out- with the use of violence. Not only the temples were destroyed, but common people suffered under the command of the king, who would not tolerate any remains of the old religion. He was not, as we see, popular at all as accounts points to several conspiracies against his authority in order to have him murdered. Therefore, we question the nickname of 'The Great' to attribute his deeds. Was he really a great monarch?

Looking back at the context in which the king is inserted, perhaps he was seen as such: he was surrounded by two powerful empires: the Persian's and the Roman's. In between those two, he had to do what was necessary, especially taking in consideration the struggle for his throne, the reconquest of Armenia and the considerable enemies he was forced to deal with. He built a strong 'state', if we can deliberatedly use such concept, but unfortunately there is not much to tell about his reign as a whole. That he was a formidable military chief, we can perceive it clearly. But violence was part of his kingship and that might explain why so many intern conflicts exploded, leading eventually to his death. Then we might consider that, as a whole, he was not that great at all, as his nickname might have suggested. However, this is what makes even more interesting to cast a look upon Armenia's history in Antiquity period.

Bibliography:

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiridates_III_of_Armenia

-https://chechar.wordpress.com/category/tiridates-iii-of-armenia/

MARTIROSYAN, Hayk A."The character of Tiridates III the Great: Reality and transformation".

-http://fmwww.bc.edu/SL-R/Bossey/%5BBosseyFrodo%5D/Martirosyan.pdf

-http://eurasianroyalancestry.com/timeline/king-tiridates-iii-of-armenia-2/

Sejong The Great: The Story Of The Illustrous King Of Korea (1397-1450)

The intention of this post is to discuss the implications of Sejong's government to Korea in order to comprehend the extent of what is regarded to have been an illustrous reign. We bear in mind the differences in culture, political and religious aspects that differ from Western Europe in what studious today nominate as being a medieval period. We thus ask ourselves who was King Sejong as a monarch and an individual? Did he leave a legacy to the point where he's earned the nickname 'the Great'? Motivated by his relationship as the head of a society that to us is unknown in majority, whether in cultural differences that in our days is quite in evidence, whether in differences that too reflect in the past, we bring this character to the common public eye.

Sejong was born on 7 May 1397, under the name of Yi Do. His parents were King Taejong and Queen Wongyeong. His grandfather had been the first of a new dynasty, but he'd abdicated on behalf of his oldest son in an attempt to prevent his other male children claimed his throne. The dispute, however, would only end with Sejong's uncle being exiled and killed. Eventually, his father became king, but he too would abdicate in favour of his third son after removing his eldest, Prince Yangnyeong, from succession, apparently from spending too much time in leisure and hunting activities than performing duties expected to the crown prince. Taejong's second son became monk, thus the path to the throne was clear for Sejong, who was, apparently, his father's favourite due to his excellence in his studies. But it's very likely that, due to the dispute between brothers that resulted in Taejong's ascension as king of Korea, Serjon's brothers were more than willing in not repeating the history.

Upon Serjon's ascension, we are told that:

"In August 1418, Taejong abdicated in favour of Sejong. However, even in retirement Taejong continued to influence government policy. Sejong's surprising political savvy and creativity did not become apparent until after Taejong's death in 1422."

Also,

"Sejong was a quick study, and also loved science and technology, so he introduced a number of organizational and technological improvements to his kingdom's military forces. Although gunpowder had been used for centuries in Korea, its employment in advanced weaponry expanded markedly under Sejong. He supported the development of new types of cannons and mortars, as well as rocket-like 'fire arrows' [...]."

Within the military field, Sejong was responsible for what is known the Gihae Eastern Expedition to the Korean seas of the east cost. Its purpose consisted in defeating japanese pirates (also named wako) who "operated out of Tsushima Island, harrying shipping, stealing trade goods, and kidnapping Korean and Chinese subjects." These pirates were defeated, and it's said that Sejong's troops killed circa 150 of them, rescuing Chinese and Koreans victims. As a result,

"This expedition would bear important fruit later in Sejong's reign, as well. In 1443, the daimyo of Tsushima pledged obedience to the King of Joseon Korea in the Treaty of Gyehae, in exchange for which he received preferential trading rights with the Korean mainland."

Where domestic affairs are concern, we know that Sejong had one queen, named Soheon who came from a clan entitled as Shim. They would have ten children, eight of whom were of the male sex and two of the female sex.

"He also had three Royal Noble Consorts, Consort Hye, Consort Yeong, and Consort Shin, who bore him three sons, one son and six sons, respectively. In addition, Sejong ad seven lesser consorts who had the misfortune of never producing sons. 

Nevertheless, the presence of eighteen princes representing different clans on their mother's sides ensured that in the future, the succession would be contentious. As a Confucian scholar, though, King Sejong followed protocol and named his sickly eldest son Munjong as Crown Prince."

Our interest is, however, in the field of knowledge and social care where we can find the doings of our king. It has been said that Sejong had an interest in science, technology and culture. How interesting it is to observe that:

"[...] he encouraged the improvement of a moveable metal type for printing first-used in Korea by 1234, at least 215 years before Gutenberg, as well as the development of the sturdier mulberry-fibert paper. These measures made better-quality books much more widely available among educated Koreans. Among the books Sejong sponsored were a history of the Goryeo Kingdom, a compilation of filial deeds (model actions for followers of Confucius to emulate), and farming guides meant to help farmers improve production."

He was also responsible for bringing:

"[...] a group of scholar-officials to study and do research in the Hall of Worthies. They published works in history, language, law, music, astronomy, and medicine. Because Sejong also encouraged the development of typecasting and printing from copper plates, Korean presses could publish the scholars' work. The king sometimes rewarded craftsmen working on new technology by sending them gifts of extra wine and food."

Sejon was reportedly said that "the people are the root of the state, and food is an indispensable necessity of the people". His concern to his subjects are seen in many areas, as we began to point out in paragraphs above, but curiously on the next one we see it in agriculture.

"Throughout his reign, he took a hand in improving agriculture through science and technology. In 1429, he issued a practical farm manual called 'Straight Talk on Farming', which gave advice about planting and plowing techniques. He personally carred out experiments with growing better grain harvests. To help farmers avoid droughts, Sejong had his scholars devise a rain gauge to measure rainfall accurately; it was so advanced that modern rain gauges are much like it."

Other interests financed by him included 'unusually accurate water clocks, and maps of the stars and celestial globes'. He was also patron of music, encouraging musicians to "improve the designs of various musical instruments". However, amongst all of those cultural achievements, no other held a major importance than inventing Korean alphabet. After all, in those days, Koreans spoke their language, but upon writing, they wrote Chinese instead. He is reportedly having said that:

"The sounds of our language differ from those of Chinese and are not easily communicated by using Chinese graphs. Many among the ignorant, therefore, though they wish to express their sentiments in writing, have been unable to communicate. I wish only that the people will learn them easily and use them conveniently in their daily life."

His main concern with the illiterate mass found opposition from nobility, as his court was not willing to break influences from the empire of China. But let's recollect how Sejong did so by supporting scholars from the beginning. He stablished the Hall of Worthies, where a select group of intellectuals studied not only "ancient laws and rites of China and previous Korean dynasties", but "compiled historical texts, and lectured the king and crown prince on Confucian classics."

Such scholars were also sent by Sejong:

"to a mountain temple where they were allowed to read books on a vast array of subjects including astronomy, medicine, geography, history, the art of war, and religion. Many of the Worthies objected to this expansive menu of options, believing that a study of Confuncian thought was sufficient, but Sejong preferred to have a scholar class with a wide range of knowledge."

Upon selecting about eight advisers,

"Sejon [...] developed an alphabetic system to represent Korean language sounds and sentence structure accurately. They came up with a simple system of 14 consonants and 10 vowels, which can be arranged in clusters to create all of the sounds in spoken Korean."

As a result, despite the already mentioned opposition he faced, "hangul quickly spread among segments of the population who previously had not had access to enough education to learn the complicated Chinese writing system." Education was, thus, held with a very important regard by Sejong, who valued knolwedge in all its forms, whether being in astronomy, music, poetry, agronomy, astrology or even in scholars. There is a reputedly saying which states "that a wise man can master hangul by lunchtime, and a less wise man can master it in ten days."

We can thus say that:

"His motivation to grant his people the power to express themselves and communicate, reflects his heart of a king to his people, which at times reflected that of a father more than a governor. In many ways, King Sejong reflects the extended family culture embedded in the Korean heritage."

And:

"He implemented major legal reforms, including a new tax system that was implemented based on a public opinion poll. He supported scientific and cultural advancement, expanding access to education and developing techniques to improve the productivity of farmers. He also stabilized his nation and region."

If it was possible to characterize him as an "enlighted" monarch, we would, but such concept --western in essence--only came within a particular context in 18th century. Even so, if we compare him to other monarchs of his days, would we find similar aspects? Nonetheless, we must not forget that wars were not excluded from his politics as we have seen in the beginning. It is a shame that, however, he's only remembered by inventing Korean alphabet --a great accomplishment, nevertheless, but one that does not limit all that knowledge that Sejong spread to other segments of the society he was part of.

It appears that the king, towards the end of his life, suffered from diabetes, amongst other health issues. He was blinded at the age of 50 and died three years later, on 18 May 1450, 53 years of age. His sickly son inherited the crown, but did not survive too long. However, Munjong left a son, who became king Danjong. But Danjong was, in turn, a minor with two scholar-officials left to act as his regents. To short the story, Danjong was eventually usurped by his uncle, King Sejong's second son,  Sejo, and was eventually killed by him. And so another violent circle thus began...

Bibliography:

-https://www.thoughtco.com/king-sejong-the-great-of-korea-195723

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejong_the_Great

-https://www.hyunjinmoon.com/king-sejongs-legacy-and-the-dream-of-one-korea-remembered-on-hangul-day/#.W802HWhKjIU

-https://www.bxscience.edu/ourpages/auto/2010/3/7/50951204/Ch%2013-3%20King%20Sejong%20and%20Korea.pdf

Xuanye, Kangxi Emperor Of China: The Story Of The Remarkable Ruler Of The Qing Dynasty (1654-1722)

To keep track of the legacies left by Eastern monarchies in different times and spaces, we bring you today this formidable character that was reigned over the empire of China during the late 17th century until the first decades of the 18th century. Who was Kangxi, Emperor of China and what can we learn of his reign?

Kangxi was actually named Xuanye. He was born on 4 May 1654 in Jigren Palace, located at the Forbidden City. His parents was Shunzhi Emperor and Xiaokangzhang Empress, the first monarchs of a new dynasty to be established at China, the Qing dynasty. When Xuanye became emperor upon the death of his father, aged 23, probably of smallpox, he was a minor between 6 and 7 years of age. Therefore, his father left four men of his trust to govern the regency until Xuanye was of age. When Xuanye became emperor de facto later on, he would choose his reign name, Kangxi, whose meaning was 'Peaceful Harmony'.

As mentioned, there was a group of regency, composed by Sonin, Suksaha, Ebilun and Oboin. At first, they managed to resolve old pendences from previous reigns as we see below:

"One of the first political acts of the four imperial advisers was to replace the so-called Thirteen Offices (Shisan Yanmen) with a Neiwufu (Dorgi Yamun), or Office of Household. The Thirteen Offices, all organized solely by Chinese eunuchs, had been the abomination of the Manchus ever since they had been introduced by the late emperor, to handle affairs of the imperial household, patterned after an elaborate model that had existed under the preceding dynasty--the Chinese Ming. Now the private sector sector of the emperor's life would be run by his personal Manchu bond servants who staffed the newly created Office of Household. Thus, the Qing rulers successfully prevented court eunuchs from meddling with politics, in sharp contrast to many other dynasties, the Ming in particular, that had reccurently let eunuchs gain access to actual power, often with disastrous results."

However, when Sonin died, the apparent pacific scenario had changed to a struggle for power: Oboin took the reins of the regency and assumed what many consider to had been a dictatorship. He forged crimes to have Suksha executed for treason before submitting Ebilun to his authority. This would not last long, though: Kangxi, who had been raised by his grandmother, Grand Empress Dowager Xiaozhuang, had her help to destitute both Ebilun and Oboin from their charges, having them suffering the penalty for treason: death. At the age of 14, Kangxi thus began to govern the empire by himself.

"He listed three issues of concern: flood control of the Yellow River; repair of the Grand Canal; the Revolt of the Three Feudatories in south China. The Grand Empress Dowager influenced him greatly and he took care of her himself in the months leading up to her death in 1688."

It was with the particular matter of the three feudatories that firstly occupied Kangxi's thoughts. These were three kings (named Wu Sangui of Yunnan, Shang Kexi of Guangdong, and Geng Jimao of Fujan) who were powerful warlords and held their force in their lands when Kangxi's father conquered China in 1644. Therefore, this revolt:

"[...] broke out in 1673 when Wu Sangui's forces overran most of southwest China and he tried to ally himself with local generals such as Wang Fuchen. The Kangxi Emperor employed generals including Zhou Peigong and Tuhai to suppress the rebellion, and also granted clemency to common people caught up in the war. He intended to personally lead the armies to crush the rebels but his subjects advised him against it. The Kangxi Emperor used mainly Han Chinese Green Standard Army soldiers to crush the rebels while the Manchu Banners took a backseat. The revolt ended with victory for Qing forces in 1681."

In addition to this,

"The Kangxi Emperor continued using the traditional military system implemented by his predecessors, which was more efficient and stricter. According to the system, a commander who returned from a battle alone (with all his men dead) would be put to death and likewise for a foot soldier. This was meant to motivate both commanders and soldiers alike to fight valiantly in war because there was no benefit for the sole survivor in a battle."

Where internation relations are concerned, Kangxi was responsible for invading Taiwan, where there were still present loyalists to the former Ming dinasty. In a naval battle, circa of "300-odd ships under the Qing admiral Shi Lang" defeated the enemies in Penghu. The result of the conquest can be seen in the following paragraph:

"The Qing sent most of the 17 Ming princes still living on Taiwan back to mainland China, where they spent the rest of their lives. The Prince of Ningjing and his five concubines, however, committed suicide rather than submite to capture. Their palace was used as Shi Lang's headquarters in 1683, but he memorialized the emperor to convert it into a Mazu temple as a propaganda measure in quieting remaining resistance on Taiwan. The emperor approved its dedication as the Grand Matsu Temple the next year and, honoring the goddess Mazu for her supposed assistance during the Qing invasion, promoted her to 'Empress of Heaven' (Tianhou) from her previous status as a 'heavenly consort' (tianfei)."

There was still a few more conflicts that Kangxi dealt with: one of which concerns the relations with Inner Mongols, whose leader Ligdan Khan opposed the new dynasty Qing. Evenutally, however, Ligdan's son, Ejei, chose a more diplomatic path and was granted the title of Prince (Qin Wang) instead.

But what does interest us here is Kangxi's domestic affairs, mostly inside the Chinese culture, whose influence is still perceptible to our days. It is at least intriguing to see the role that mathematics played on it. In his article entitled "Cartography During The Times Of The Kangxi Emperor: The Age And The Background", author Han Qi tells us how straight were relations between West and East under Kangxi's government and the extent of interest towards sciences, astronomy and, as mentioned formerly, mathematics.

"Many of the Catholic missionaries were talented and competent in various fields of science. They gained Kangxi's confidence and were entrusted by him with the task of cartographic surveys. On 14 November 1685, the Belgian Jesuit Antoine Thomas (1644-1709) shortly after his arrival in Beijing wrote a letter to Europe in which he mentioned that Emperor Kangxi requested that a map be drawn of the Tartar region. In 1678 Verbiest wrote a letter to Europe, appealing for more Jesuits to be sent to China to preach the Catholic faith. In response to Verbiest's open letter, King Louis XIV responded positively. Under the guidance of the French Royal Academy of Sciences, the Society of Jesus in France sent off Jesuits as 'King's Mathematicians' to China. [...] Through Verbiest's meditation, the Ministry of Rites submitted the following to the emperor for the decision: 'Of Hong Ruo's [Jean de Fontaney]'s party of five it is not yet known if they include experts in calendar studies. The group will be brought to Beijing pending assignments; and those who are not called upon may stay if they wish.'" (QI: 2014, p 5,6) 

In his other article, "Knowledge and power: A social history of the transmission of mathematics between China and Europe during the Kangxi reign (1662–1722)", same author explains that:

"The aims of the Jesuits in China were, of course, primarily missionary, and from the beginning they used science merely as a means of arousing Chinese scholars’ interest in Christianity. However, their influence in China was to prove effective mostly in the field of science itself. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, they played a leading role in the transmission of mathematical knowledge between China and Europe."(QI: p 1)

They would come, specially:

"In response to Verbiest’s urgent appeal of 1678, Jean de Fontaney (1643-1710), Joachim Bouvet, J.F. Gerbillon (1654-1707) and other two Jesuits came to Beijing. Sent by Louis XIV as “the King’s Mathematicians”, they were expected to glorify the French King, propagate Christian doctrines, benefit science and arts, and thereby reduce Portuguese sea power in East Asia. They were also charged with making astronomical observations, investigating native Chinese flora and fauna, and learning other technical arts" (QI: p3)

This attempt of christianize China through science would continue with other results. For now, we are enlighting those in Kangxi's government. As we see next:

"Kangxi’s actions also had a political motive, as the lecture and demonstration provided him an opportunity to show his “genius” in front of his ministers and challenge Chinese officials’ presumptions about the superiority of their cultural and mathematical learning. His success in this court session of 1692 had resulted from more than two years of systematic study. The Jesuits had given Kangxi access to “new knowledge” from Europe, and thereby provided him with the basis for his memorable “performance.” On several other occasions, Kangxi also used his newly acquired skills to put the Confucian elite in their place, even in 1702 publicly criticizing Chinese scholars as completely ignorant of mathematics". (QI: p 4)

Kangxi was also responsible for a "dictionary of Chinese characters, which became known as the Kangxi Dictionary", which was also a political measure to undermine the resistance coming from scholars who were still loyal the Ming dinasty. He also ordered a "compilation of Tang poetry, the Quantangshi". 

But it was another compilation that would prove to be more fruitful to China, and this would be, as Han Qi points out:

"The compilation of a compendium of astronomical, mathematical and musical texts, entitled The Origin of pitchpipes and calendar (律历渊源), was one of its main goals. This imperially composed work comprises three parts:Basic Mathematical Principles (数理精蕴), Imperially composed calendar (钦若历书, later called Compendium of the calendar, 历象考成), and the Exact meaning of pitchpipes (律吕正义). In addition, many astronomical observations were made by members of this academy in order to collect data to be used for various problems, most notably, the obliquity of the ecliptic. Based on their observations, Chinese mathematicians corrected some astronomical data and completed the compilation of the Imperially composed calendar (printed in about 1722). After the Academy of Mathematics was established, the Kangxi Emperor worked as a mathematics tutor, at times even teaching some of the young students.[...]" (QI: p5)

Relations between Christianity and Kangxi would deteriorate, eventually, when Pope Clement XII determined that worshipping ancestrals was a sort of idolatry and Kangxi took this as a deep offense against him. After all,

"As a Manchu monarch, he had from childhood followed the Manchu traditions of archery and horse-riding. At the same time he received a good education in the traditional Confucian classics from his high officials. And, he played an essential role in the transmission of Western mathematics to China. (QI: p1)

And it must not be forgotten that, despite Kangxi not being very close to the Chinese people specially in some culture terms, he was more than willing to embrace Confucian properly. To deny that in favour of Christianism was too much for him. This thus close the tolerance for Christanity that the Jesuits were pleading ever since the first beginning of the emperor's reign.

In spite of this,

"From 1711 to 1723, Matteo Ripa, an Italian priest sent to China by the Congregration for the Evangelization of Peoples, worked as a painter and copper-engraver at the Qing court. In 1723, he returned to Naples from China with four young Chinese Christians, in order to groom them to become priests and send back to China as missionaries. This marked the beginning of the Collegio dei Cinesi, sanctioned by Pope Clement XII to help the propagation of Christianity in China. This Chinese Institute was the first school of Sinology in Europe, which would later develop to become the Istituto Orientale and the present day Naples Eastern University."

Curious to perceive as well it's that:

"The Kangxi Emperor was also the first Chinese emperor to play a western musical instrument. He employed Karel Slavicek as court musician. Slavicek was playing Spinet; later the emperor would play on it himself." 

Aside of music, sciences and astronomy, the Jesuits left too a military legacy under Kangxi's government. They were the responsibles for introducing of gun manufacturing and artillery, both resulting in the conquest of the kingdom of Tungning laterwards.

Towards the end of Kangxi's life, we are brought to the inheritance issue. Who would be the next emperor? Having produced at least 17 princes, Kangxi was at first favourable to his second eldest, Yinreng, son of his first consort, Xiaochengren, but whom would prove to be a disappointment. It is said that, despite the good education he receives, the crown prince:

"[...] was said to have beaten and killed his subordinates, and was alleged to have had sexual relations with one of his father's concubines, which was deemed incest and a capital offense. Yinreng also purchased young children from Jiangsu to satisfy his pedophiliac pleasure. In addition, Yinreng's supporters, led by Songgotu, gradually fromed a 'Crown Prince Party' (...) that aimed to help Yinreng get the throne as soon as possible, even if it meant using unlawful methods."

Despite the initial toleration towards his son's behavior, the emperor eventually placed him under house arrest. A few other princes supported Yinreng, amongst which Kangxi's first-born, but it came to nothing. There had been much talk about whom the sovereign would choose as his successor, but this was kept in secret until his death in 1722. It is said that:

"In the evening of 20 December 1722 before his death, the Kangxi Emperor called seven of his sons to assemble at his bedside. They were the third, fourth, eighth, ninth, 16th and 17th princes. After the Kangxi Emperor died, Longkodo announced that the emperor had selected the fourth prince, Yinzhen, as the new emperor. Yinzhen ascended to the throne and became known as the Yongzheng Emperor. The Kangxi Emperor was entombed at the Eastern Tombs in Zunhua, Hebel."

It is even amazing to point out that Kangxi, née Xuanye, was the emperor who reigned for the most time before and after his dynasty was settled in China. The quote below is claimed to have been his, said during his lifetime:

"What man am I, that among all those who have reigned... it should be I who reigned the longest?"

Having been described as 'fairly tall and well proportioned, he loved all manly exercises and devoted three months annually to hunting. Large bright eyes lighted up his face, which was pitted with smallpox', Kangxi was a highly educated man of his own days and sought to balance conquest and military successes to justice and peace equally. But what remains the most surprising is his dialogue with Jesuits that produced a great academic deal of astronomy, music, the learning he was so fond of, even tutoring his court in mathematics, a subject he was very passionated about. He also "commissioned numerous compilations of records, maps, histories, and literature as well as encyclopedic works like the Kangxi Dictionary", leaving so much more to be learned, studied and here brought to further discussion so that his legacy is not forgotten by us.

Bibliography:

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kangxi_Emperor

-https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kangxi

-http://www.shenyun.com/learn/article/read/item/Q9CcRzXxH7A/emperor-kangxi-aobai-manchurian-qing-dynasty.html

QI, Han. Cartography During The Times Of The Kangxi Emperor: The Age And The Background. "Jesuit Mapmaking in China: D'Anville's Nouvelle Atlas de La Chine (1737)". Edited by Roberto M. Ribeiro with John W. O'Malley, SJ. Saint Joseph's University Press. Philadelphia. 2014.

QI, Han. "Knowledge and power: A social history of the transmission of mathematics between China and Europe during the Kangxi reign (1662–1722)". Year uncertain (2010 or 2014)

Narai Of Ayutthaya: The Remarkable Story Of The King Of Thailand (1633-1688)

As previously commented on the former posts here on the blog, the focus upon eastern monarchies continue and with it, the difficulties in finding a character to examine upon. Motivated by the knowledge that, thankfully, internet has provided us, we have come across with this intriguing character named Narai, king of Ayutthaya, a region that is located in what we know today as Thailand. He too earned the nickname of being 'the Great' of his kingdom, but it appears that, even though it is debatable the means which led him to become sovereign of Ayutthaya, his deeds are quietly turned into footnotes in History, or rather mentioned as diplomatic relations as it was the case when Narai corresponded with Louis XIV of France himself. In order to attempt to change that or at least be responsible for instigating a broad discussion about this king, we are here to bring to the public eye further information based on the consulted bibliography listed in the end of this post.

So who was this 'Narai the Great' of Thailand? What were his deeds? Why most of them were so remarkable? How can we perceive the conception of kingship amongst his accomplishments? With the intention in responding these answers, mostly motivated by them, we begin this post with.

What we know of Narai is that he was likely born on 16 February 1633. His parents were King Prasatthong, allegedly the first king of the Prasatthong Dynasty who appears to have usurped the throne from a previous dynasty, and Queen Phra Rajya Devi. Narai also had a brother, Prince Chai, a sister named Si Suphan, and an uncle known as Prince Si Suthammaracha. It appears that Narai received this name upon his birth because:

"The Royal Chronicle of Ayuttaya Royal Recension Version recorded that 'in that year [1633] the princess consort gave birth to a son. When the royal family glanced at the infant, they saw the baby had four arms before having two arms as normal. Upon learning this, the king thought it was a miracle. He therefore named his son Narai'. The name Narai is from Sanskrit Narayana, a name of Hindu god Vishnu who has four arms."

Whether this story is true or not, what is important to tell next is the education he received, whose results would be seen in his reign. As "The Great Kings Of Siam", author unknown, tells us:

"King Prasatthong graciously had the topknot cutting off (Sokan) ceremony organized for his son and made him ordained as a novice at Wat Phra Sri Sanphet for him to study the technical knowledges and liberal arts in different fields until he was 16 years old. He then left the priesthood and served under the crown of his father as he was appointed to be “Phra Narai” in the position of the King's son or principality and made him stay at Wang Nok. Surrounded by the royal pages and highly knowledgeable and able court officials, he became an expert in Phra Tripitaka, liberal arts and literature, including the war strategy, elephant and horse activities and political science and more."

It appears, as told by Wikipedia, that Narai's ascension was a result of the dispute over the crown of Ayutthaya, nearly causing a Civil War, as it is stated below:

"Prince Sutharmmaracha plotted with his nephew, Prince Narai, to bring Sanpet VI [Narai's elder brother] down. After nine months of ascension, Sanpet VI was executed following a coup. Narai and his uncle marched into the palace and Si Suthammaracha crowned himself king [and] [...] appointed Narai as the Uparaja, or the Front Palace. However, Narai was also an ambitious prince and had requested Dutch support against his uncle. [...] On the Day of Ashura, the Persians, Japanese and Dutch stormed the palace. The prince engaged in single combat with his uncle, until the king fled to the Rear Palace. Si Suthammaracha was captured and was executed at Wat Khok Phraya on 26 October 1656."

On the other hand, "The Great Kings Of Siam" simply mentions that when: 

"King Prasatthong was dead in 1656 and all the King's counsellors and high ranking officials invited Phra Narai to succeed the throne as the fourth king of the Prasatthong Dynasty when he was 25 years old"

In spite of how Narai's reign actually began, it is important to point an observation of his reign as a whole. It had a profund link between astrology and history, as we will see in the next paragraphs; for how precise were the astrologues' calculations to determine certain inner events of the realm such as, for example, the king's coronation. Narai's reign was also notable for the diplomatic relations he held with Western's country to the benefit of Thailand, to the point that it made Ayutthaya a cosmopolitan city in modern concept. What is quite absorbing, however, is that he too was modern from the moment he decided to break with old traditions, something he would do until the end of his life.

"When Narai was crowned in 1656 he inherited a large and powerful kingdom in the centre of mainland South-East Asia. His realm reached south to the kingdoms of Pattani, Ligor, Phattalung and Songkhla; in the east Cambodia had ackowledged Ayutthaya's suzerainty, and in the west the port of Tenasserim on the Bay of Bengal was under Thai control. Narai's Ayutthaya was a cosmopolitan city frequented by foreigners from as far afield as northern Europe, the Islamic sultanates of west Asia, the Indonesian archipelago, India and north Asia. Some were directly employed by Narai or lived in the kingdom as missionaries and merchants. Other visitors; traders and diplomats, formed a more transient foreign population that occasionally came into contact with the royal court (leosiwong 1980: 29-36).

Aged in his mid-twenties when he became king, Narai immediately challenged tradition by refusing to move into the king's palace after his coronation. He also took the unorthodox step of spending a large part of each year in Lopburi, fifty kilometres to Ayutthaya's north, removing himself from the royal capital that was the symbolic centre of his power." (HODGES 1999: 4)

In addition, 

"Administration and the laws for better development and more up to date. No royalties were sent to rule the chiet cities but instead, they were ordered to rule the departments in the capital city. It had become the tradition inherited from then until the Rattanakosin Period. For the military and war aspects, King Narai graciously established the new department in the Capital City which was considered as his wise policy, allowing him to have more of his own troops for protecting the city without waiting for the troops from the Chief cities He also adopted the military knowledge obtained from the European countries that came in to contact with Ayutthaya to apply for use in the fighting forces, making the Thai forces become more progressive in armaments and combatants which consisted of foreign soldiers such as Portuguese and Japanese." ("The Great Kings Of Siam")

By adopting a modern concept of kingship for his days, and here it must not be mistaken with the idea of adopting Western ideals which is not in discussion nor to be applied, Narai was responsible for developing arts, music and poetry within his realm, a result that is not only consequence of his studies but that of his personal tastes. As we will see in the next paragraphs, Narai was a literate man who was passionated about literature, poems, and mostly astronomy:

"In the reign of King Narai, it was considered as the "golden era of the Thai literatures”. It was because he was a King who had remarkable ability and wisdom in the field of art and literature and his royal court consisted of many important scholars and poets who had their fames and many master pieces of their works inherited since then until present. He graciously ordered the history of the City of Ayutthaya to be collected in 1680 which later was known as “the Royal Historical Record of the Old City of Luang Prasert Aksorn Niti”. It is the only historical record that was collected in the Ayutthaya period and has been inherited until now."

In other words, 

"His life-long interest in learning, for example, provided the intellectual atmosphere [...]. Narai received an education typical of that provided to the children of Ayutthaya's elite in the seventeenth century. European visitors reported that it was common practice for Siamese boys to obtain their education in Buddhist temples, the centre of all learning. Students were taught art, law and philosophy by Buddhist monks while other subjects including astrology, mathematics and medicine were taught by lay experts (Wyatt 1969: 9, Yupho 1979: 11 ). The more gifted beneficiaries of this specialist education were then recruited by the royal court. One such person was Narai's teacher [...], the Phra Horathibodi, who came to Ayutthaya from Phichit to complete his studies before rising to the position of Chief Royal Astrologer (Schouten 1636: 15, Wyatt 1969: I 0, 17). His intelligence enabled Narai to profit from his privileged education. He made his palace a haven for poets and writers who gathered to compose works and participate in literary competitions, and he provided prominent members of Ayutthaya's literati, including the Phra Horathibodi, with food and lodgings. He became an accomplished poet himself and is recognised as one of the three authors of the Samut Khat Khamchan. Narai's reign was a time of significant literary achievement and the authors of some of the better known works of this period were his teachers."(Hodges 1999: 5)

Those intern reformations would also turn Ayutthaya a capital that attracted different foreigners, an accomplishment that came correspondingly with his curiosity in adopting technologies in vogue during those days, thus adapting them to his realm. As seen here:

"In his reign there were several European people serving under his crown such as the Portuguese, Hollanders, English and French, giving Thailand opportunity to obtain the military and engineering assistance from those countries. [...]
King Narai was very interested in the western countries’ modern technical knowledges. He ordered to have the gun turrets built and the intercity canals excavated. He also paid attention to the marine science and equipment such as compass's, clock's and map's showing the geographic conditions, continents, the sea levels, etc., including the learning of modern medicine. He graciously ordered to have an observatory built at the Chankasem Palace in Ayutthaya and in Lop Buri City as he saw that astronomy was very important for the marine navigation. In addition, the French priest presented him with the calendar invented for use in the City of Ayutthaya in place of the old one that caused the difficulties in making the agreement with the westerners. Other technical knowledges he was interested in were the ore smelting, work's of art, architecture and construction in western style as well as water supplies and many more."

As Ayutthaya, a profit example to be used for illustration of the scenario we've been presenting this far, was well developed according to the king's expectations where technologies and society (not only their morals, but also regarding their culture, which can seen subtly through Narai's deeds to improve it), welcoming the presence of many foreigners as Dutch, Portuguese, Frenchmen and others from Western and Eastern's countries, relationship with the Dutch began to deteriorate as Narai and Louis XIV of France started to correspond. In other words: in those days, in the 17th century, the Dutch and the French were not in the best terms, not to say they had been even at war. To have a better comprehension of it, here's what can be said of this political background:

"As for foreign relations, King Narai became the most renowned Thai monarch since he adopted a friendly policy towards foreigners, especially the Europeans. Ayutthaya was a metropolis where peoples from many lands congregated, including the Dutch, the British, the French, the Portuguese and the Arab. The French, who first arrived in 1662, sent missionaries and merchants to the capital. During the 1680's, splendid embassies were exchanged between King Narai and King Louis XIV. Later on, the conflict broke out when the French tried to convert King Narai to Christiniaty and also attempted to gain a foothold in the Thai kingdom by sending troops to garrison Bangkok and Mergui in 1687. However, an anti-French official seized power in 1688, drove out the French garrisons, and executed King Narai's Greek favorite Constantine Faulcon, who had been championing the French cause. After 1688, Ayutthaya had less contact with western nations."

In addition, Ian Hodges remarks that:

"Within a few years of Narai's becoming king, however, relations had soured to the point where he feared a Dutch attack on Siam. To counter the threat, he sought to establish stronger relations with other European powers. His approaches to the English having met with little success, Narai turned to the French who, hoping to both convert the Thai to Catholicism and establish Ayutthaya as a regional trading base, seized the opportunity to establish a presence in Siam. (Love 1999: 19)." (Hodges 1999: 4)

That his kingship was proeminent for the boost of astronomy and astrology, intern reforms regarding the improve of his society, the break of ancient traditions, always looking up to welcome better relations in international diplomacy, we perceive in his doings. Where astronomy and astrology were concerned, we understand that such were their impacts in implicating the foundation of cities, in propitiating times to wage war, in looking upon building the history of the realm, aside of civil functions as funerals, etc. As author Ian Hodges explains:

"Every important ceremonial or civil function, including the casting of calendars, the founding of cities, coronations, funerals and the launching of military expeditions had to begin at the most auspicious moment as determined by the astrologers. For Siam's royal court, astrology, in essence a scientifically based system of calculating the rotations of the sun, the moon and the planets, provided a means to interpret the universe (Winnichakull994: 58). (Hodges, 1999: 6)"

Those scientific methods, however our modern thoughts about them might be (specially in regard to astrology), would not be possible to be stimulated, for instance, had it the king not been an avid reader and eager to acquire knowledge. For he genuinely believed that by promoting the use of astronomy and astrology would also make it possible to comprehend the world he was part of, and to even improve the social relations he was inserted.  

On that aspect, Hodges corroborates with our argument when he says that:

"La Loubere also made note ofNarai's love of reading, describing him as "curious to the highest degree." (de La Loubere 1969: 99) Here we see a king with a love of literature and art who encouraged those gifted in these areas and it is easy to imagine why one of this group was assigned the task of writing the Kingdom's history." (Hodges, 1999: 5)

And he also states a curious event as we read the following quote below:

"Nicolas Gervaise wrote that after 4.00 pm each day the King's personal reader was called to duty. This uneviable task was described thus: 'There is no employment in the royal palace more exhausting than that of the reader. He must often spend three or four hours reading prostrate on the ground and leaning on his elbows, hardly daring to breathe and unable to adopt a more comfortable position.' (Gervaise 1989, 209)". (Hodges, 1999: 5)

A learning man and a pacific king, perhaps that is how we can describe Narai in general. His brightness as a stadist is very clear once he:

"Like his predecessors, Narai realised the value of cultivating ties with foreigners for the trade they could bring to the kingdom. He increased the Crown's participation in the maritime trade with China and Japan as well as the Indian Ocean region, and continued Thai involvement with the Indonesian archipelago. Not content to simply maintain previously established commercial relations with the Dutch and Portuguese, Narai sought also to establish trading links with other European powers (Na Pombejra 1984: 41)." (Hodges, 1999: 4)

It is impressive how he managed to conduct peaceful relations for a good while, living 56 years, rulling 32 as king of Thailand. Even more impressive is to observe his inheritance in his efforts by giving to his subjects better condictions, stimulating education for all, respecting religiosity in spite of the jesuists pressure for Narai's conversion and by extent of his realm. He managed to hold Thailand intact against possible Europeans' invasions. And also innovated intern technology which made Ayutthaya, as already mentioned here, as a cosmopolitan city.

Therefore, to emphasize all that has been said:

"Whatever its implications for Siam's foreign policy and internal political situation, Narai's contact with foreigners also contributed to his education. His reign coincided with European advances in the sciences associated with navigation, astronomy and astrology. He lived in an age when humans were first beginning to grasp the nature and extent of the cosmos and his exulted position afforded him access to both news of scientific discoveries in Europe and to some of the most modern scientific and astronomical instruments then available." (Hodges, 1999: 4)

Finally,

 "King Narai had been on the throne for 32 years before he passed away on the eleventh day of July 1688 as his lite had lasted for a total of 56 years. His period was regarded as a significant time in history for the diplomatic field, the development of the friendly relations with other countries as well as his royal activities in relation with the polities, administration, arts and literature, religion, education and modern technical knowledge." ("The Great Kings Of Siam")

Bibliography:

HODGES, Ian. "TIME IN TRANSITION: KING NARAI AND THE LUANG PRASOET CHRONICLE OF AYUTTHAYA" Journal of the Siam Society 87.1 & 2. 1999

-http://www.thailaws.com/download/thailand/thegreatkingsofsiam.pdf

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narai

-https://www.thaimain.com/eng/monarchy/ayutthaya/narai.html

-https://sejarah-nusantara.anri.go.id/hartakarun/item/23/

Cyrus the Great, King Of Anshan: The Story Of The Founder Of The Persian Empire (600-530/529 BC)

When considering giving a little more of focus towards the Eastern empires, their royal characters and the history they left behind, we are found wondering about whom should we bring to be discussed about. There is the merely difficulty about choosing the one to be brought here with all the considerations of their background, but to comprehend that, regardless of the high status attributed to the society they were part of, those royal characters represented in themselves the socialization process in which they were shaped according to the society's values, thoughts and beliefs of the time. 

With Cyrus II of Anshan this was not different. During the process of conquest from his kingdom to others, thus beginning to create an empire that would only spread in the following generations, we learn, mainly through his kingship, aspects of a military, but paradoxically peaceful culture that we also perceive in Roman Empire, that is to say in another words: by conquering another realm, you are respecting their own culture and laws at the same time the conqueror's are being slowly imposed. This process is, at first sight, complex to understand but it cannot be separated from the empire's story. It is not different when studying Cyrus's reign. 

Though he might be familiar to some, to others he might not and that purpose instigated us into giving a further look to his character. Not much is known regarding his early life and education, but what comes to us is that Cyrus's name "is a latinized form derived from the Greek Kyros, itself from the Old Persian Kurus". He was also the son of Cambyses I, being named after his grandfather, Cyrus I. Of his mother, we have not found records about her name. The year of his birth is still subject of speculations, with some pointing to the year of 600. 

That his dynasty, coming from tribes of the west of what today we know as Iran, is Achaemenes (Old Persian: Haxamanis), is discussed by D.T Potts with further details regarding the Elam elements in her article "Cyrus the Great and the kingdom of Anshan". She also tells us that:

"Prášek assumed that the original kingdom of the Achaemenids was limited to the tribal territory of the Pasargadai and that the title “king of Anshan” reflected the extension of Achaemenid rule to other areas, though he disputed that the Anshan attested in the 3rd-millennium sources was the same as that of the Achaemenid period. (Potts, 2005, p 7)"

The main point to be analyzed is, however, Cyrus kingship and how his conquests brought his dynasty to the great empire that would exist for at least 200 years. And that is when we are brought to Cyrus marriage to Cassandane. It appears they had a loving relationship that gave Cyrus at least 5 children: Cambyses II, Bardiya, Atossa, Artystone, Roxane. Where the practice of marriage, regarding the culture present in Cyrus' context those days, is concerned, author Matt Waters states that:

"The practice of polygamy among subsequent Persian kings is well-attested, and it would be no surprise to learn that Cyrus engaged in it as well.8 The traditions wherein Cyrus is linked to the Median royal house by marriage may reflect Cyrus’ own propaganda to link himself to the Median dynasty; thus Cyrus would have portrayed himself as a legitimate Median king" (Waters, 2003, p 92)

Furthemore, he also uses Herodotus' source to describe the nature of the marriage between Cyrus and Cassandane, who allegedly reported to have been unhappier in leaving Cyrus than her own life. 

"Herodotus noted that Cyrus greatly lamented Cassandane’s death and that he insisted on public mourning for her (II.1): “When Cyrus was dead, Cambyses inherited the kingdom. He was the son of Cyrus and Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes, and Cassandane had died before Cyrus himself; Cyrus had mourned greatly for her and instructed all his subjects to do likewise. Cambyses, then, was a son of this woman and Cyrus.” An entry in the Nabonidus Chronicle provides an exact parallel, which lends credence to (and may have indirectly served as the source of) Herodotus’ account. The Chronicle related that Cyrus’ wife (whose name is not given) died within a few months after his conquest of Babylon and that there was an official mourning period: “In the month [x] the wife of the king died. From the twenty-seventh of the month Adar to the third of the month Nisan [there was] (an official) mourning in Akkad. All the people bared their heads. (Waters, 2003, p 92)" 

And why is it important to look at the marriage between Cyrus and his wife to comprehend the construction over his kingship? Because this was alliance whose purpose

"afforded Cyrus support from a powerful group of Persian nobles (i.e., the Achaemenids) would have gone far in Cyrus’ unification of Iran and the discrete, though culturally similar, tribes therein. (Waters, 2003, p 92)"

It also appears that it was after the death of Cyrus' death that we have entrances regarding the ascension of his empire for the early periods of his reign are obscured and most scholars seem to agree that it was in such period that he was married and had the already mentioned children. As we know,  "Cyrus was preceded as king by his father, Cambyses I. [...] [and] like his predecessors, Cyrus had to recognize Median overlordship." In addition, Waters tells us that:

"The first few years (at least five) are almost a complete blank in the historical record. It seems reasonable to place Cyrus’ marriage to Cassandane and the birth of Cambyses in this period (i.e., the 550s), if not before. Cyrus certainly spent these early years consolidating his power, presumably with an eye toward expansion. By 539, Cyrus had conquered Media (c. 550–549), Lydia (c. 540s),  and Babylon (539). Of these three, only the conquest of Babylon may be dated with any precision: Cyrus entered the city on October 29, 539. The chronology of Cyrus’ activity in the east is uncertain. No Near Eastern source provides any explicit information on the incorporation of eastern Iran into the empire. The extent of Median power and influence is also unknown, and this convolutes the issue. Xenophon (Cyro. I.1.4) implied that the Hyrcanians accepted Cyrus’ rule after he overthrew Astyages, while Ktesias claimed that they had joined Cyrus beforehand (Persika §9). After the conquest of Lydia, Herodotus (I.177) noted that Harpagus devastated “lower Asia” (kátwtñß ’Asíhv) while Cyrus himself destroyed “upper” (a¢nw) Asia, subduing all people (pân e¢qnov)." (Waters, 2005, p 93)

On that aspect, Amélie Kuh adds in her article "Cyrus the Great of Persia: images and realities" that:

"Although a Persian, Cyrus had close links to the Median king Astyages. Median power, based on Ecbatana (modern Hamadan in north-west Iran), included Fars, parts of Central Asia to the east and reached westwards as far as the Halys river in Anatolia. Cyrus led a successful Persian revolt against his Median overlord in 550, took over the larger part of his dominions, and extended them by conquering adjoining areas: the Lydian kingdom, including the Greek cities of the Aegean seaboard, in the 540s, and the Neo-Babylonian empire, which embraced the entire Fertile Crescent (from the Persian Gulf to the Egyptian frontier), in 539." (Kuhrt, 2006, p 6)

The spread of Cyrus' military forces is quite impressive as we have been told above. As his conquest go further, we inevitably wonder about the use of "King of Anshan" title, to which the explanation for it is found in the paragraph below:

"Even if the title “king of Anshan” was, originally and simply, a designation of the geographic place that Cyrus the Great and his predecessors ruled, its continued use by Cyrus himself, as the conqueror of Media, Lydia, and then Babylonia, is significant. From a historiographic perspective the title underscores the impact of the Elamite tradition on Cyrus, especially in contrast with Darius’ shift to a Persian and Iranian ideology. (...) The use of the title “king of Anshan” supplied legitimacy to a Persian dynasty that had been victorious over indigenous Elamites. (...) The use of the title “king of Anshan” by a Persian goes beyond that of a simple geographical marker; Persian domination of an Elamite area represented, by use of this title, an arrogation of an Elamite tradition. With the decline of Elam by the late 650s and 640s, the legitimately-claimed title “king of Anshan”, an Elamite centre of great antiquity, may have carried great weight in a milieu of mixed Elamite and Persian populations, wherein Persians were the relative newcomers. Only with the Cyrus Cylinder may we trace the progression from “king of Anshan” to an expanded titulary of the newly-victorious ruler of Babylonia and most of the ancient Near East. (Waters, 95)" 

As we have formerly mentioned, through the deeds of Cyrus we can perceives traits of the socialization process in which he went through. The ideal of a warrior king was, as we can observe from the previous paragraphs, present in the forming kingship, likely a seed to the next generations (as we will see when discussing the life and reign of Darius I, who was responsible for subduing Egypt) responsible for spreading the Persian empire and an important basis for the establishment, if not legitimizing, the emperors without necessarily looking upon marriages alliances for that specific goal.

Kuhrt also presents us the follwoing view regarding Cyrus' policies:

"Cyrus' progress was marked throughout by the generosity with which he treated his defeated opponents, the respect he showed to local cultures and his support for local cults. These policies laid the foundations for the empire's remarkable success. The Persians celebrated his achievements in song and story and his tomb was the object of a centrally funded cult down to the last days of the empire." (Kuhrt, 2005, p 7).

But we ought to remember that, however praising his deeds might have been, certainly colaborating for making Cyrus a great statesman as much as he was an excellent warrior, his flaws were still present there if yet we can use such word to qualify what he thought wise in his own days to presever his dynasty. The same author continues in saying: 

"His defeat of Astyages involves the torture of the latter's children and grandchildren, followed by the execution of his son-in-law, and ultimately Astyages' death (FGrH 688 F9 (1-3; 6)). In the course of the Lydian war, Cyrus executed Croesus' son, resulting in the suicide of Croesus' wife. Only after repeated attempts to chain Croesus up were divinely frustrated,xix did Cyrus relent and treat him with honour (FGrH 688 F 9 (4; 5)). The stories show a man of great ability in the field, a brilliant tactician, ready to deploy whatever measures necessary to achieve his ends. (Kuhrt, 2006, p 7)"

The conquest of Babylon, however, is, notwithstanding the several wars he waged, impressive and must not be excluded of the presenting discussion for, as we have already mentioned in the opening of this post, he showed respect for other culture and maintained it, in spite of the apparent differences. Although it does not configurate as an imutable perception applicable to others from former or after generations of Cyrus, nor to his regions, we assume that the respect he showed before Babylon conquest and, through Babylon the indirect conquest upon Assyrian kings who answered to Babylon's authority, culture, religions were likely the reflection of how Ashan's monarchy probably dealt with this difference between themselves and others.

In that order, Cyrus placed his son, Cambyses II, on the Babylon throne, dethroning thus the former dynasty in power until then, becoming "pretenders" to the throne that were now under the command of a foreigner power. In the following paragraphs, Kuhrt shows us this process of "changing kings", where, in theory, Cyrus 'usurped' the other's crown on behalf of his own dynasty. 

"[...] the new aspirant also accepted the duties that went with being a Babylonian sovereign: to respect and uphold the privileges of the urban elite, and care for divine and civic dwellings. Such work on sanctuaries and urban buildings was not something that could be undertaken at will – it required consultation with the gods (through divination) to see whether the proposed work was in line with divine plans. Approval of the plan to build - broadcast through the proclamation of positive omens - in turn demonstrated that the gods favoured the new ruler. And that favour was reconfirmed by the new king, who traditionally formed and brought the first building brick, finding the inscription of a pious earlier ruler, who had performed work similarly blessed." (Kuhrt, 2006, p 9) 

In cultural aspects, we are presented to this interpretation, already discussed:

"All references to the ‘restoration’ of shrines and their staffs are part of a familiar rhetoric deployed by conquerors and would-be kings, ready to accept the duties incumbent on them in their new position as rulers in Babylon. In fact, it reflects rather more of the pressure Babylonian citizens were able to bring to bear on the new royal claimant than casting any light on the character of the potential king-to-be." (Kuhrt, 2006, p 9)

Finally, though, she gives us a light on the king's proccession according to a Babylon's chronicle, a source she used since it was, in counterpoint to Xenophon and other Greek philosopher's accounts, more contemporary to Cyrus' days. It so says that:

"the chronicle’s account of Cyrus’ confrontation with Nabonidus. It is possible that tension between the two powers had been growing for some time – certainly there is a reference to Persia in a very broken context in the chronicle’s entry for 540. This may explain Nabonidus’ action in collecting the divine statues of several cities in Babylon for (one assumes) safety in the face of the expected Persian attack (Beaulieu 1993). In late September 539, the Babylonian army led by its king faced the Persian troops on the Tigris, near Opis. The battle was won by Cyrus, who followed up his victory by plundering the city and massacring its inhabitants. Shortly after this, Sippar, which was next in line of attack, surrendered, perhaps in order to avoid sharing the fate of Opis. From what follows, it is clear that Cyrus halted there, but sent his general (Gubaru/Gobryas) with an army ahead to invest Babylon and take the defeated Babylonian king prisoner. Only after Babylon had been secured – three weeks later – did Cyrus enter the city himself, which was now prepared to receive him as its new ruler (see Pongratz-Leisten 1993, ch.5; Kessler 2002), almost certainly as a result of negotiation with representatives of the Babylonian citizenry. Cyrus made the appropriate royal gestures i.e. initiating the ‘restoration’ of order following the disruptions of war. After making arrangements for the administration of the country, which – as we know from Babylonian documents continued to rely heavily on the existing Babylonian framework and personnel - he installed his son, Cambyses, as king of Babylon (Kuhrt, 2006, p 13)

 The festival had taken on a particular importance during Babylonia’s disturbed history in the immediately preceding centuriesxxxii and its correct celebration by Assyrian kings had been carefully noted by Babylonian chroniclers. An important phase in the festival was the point where the king led the image of the god Nabu from the 'Sceptre House' in procession into the main temple courtyard. As Cambyses had already been formally installed as king of Babylon in Nabu's cella (confirmed by the local dated documents), he would have been expected to enact this phase of the ceremony. But a recent restudy of the last lines of the chronicle (George 1996: 379-381) suggests, strongly, that it was Cyrus who took the lead in this, but robed, as the chronicle observes, in Persian ('Elamite') dress. The political message of this action, in the context of such a very traditional Babylonian ceremony, must be that there was a clear limit to how far Cyrus was prepared to fall in with Babylonian custom. Instead, the Babylonians were made to recognise, unmistakably, that they were now subjects of a foreign ruler (Kuhrt, 2006, p 13)"

The conquest of the great Cyrus II, however, provides us not only an interchange, a trade of cultures, of different peoples in touch, but an assimilitation from both parts. This did not mean necessarily that Cyrus' rule was well accepted by all. Had he been certain of it, he would not have died in campaign as Matt Waters tells us:

"That Cyrus died campaigning in the extreme north-east suggests that the regions beyond the Oxus River were not secure, or were attractive targets, even at the end of his reign" (Waters, 93)"

Unfortunately we are not told of his character, but from what we have seen this far, it is safe to assume he was charismatic and respectful. The use of blood out of the waged wars on benefit for his dynasty was used in emergencys. Naturally we must critically question ourselves: was Cyrus the great politic, statesman as he'd been portrayed? Whether we like or not, we ought to acknowledge that his kingship, shaped in military and cultural forms, certainly contributed if not left for his heirs a growing empire that, as already mentioned, was extended from Darius I and farther even by Xerxes I, this latter becoming the most infamous character of this dynasty.

What makes the ascension of the Persian Empire is that:

"Until perhaps the early seventh century, the region of Fars in south-west Iran and its main city, Anshan, formed a significant part of the old kingdom of Elam.xxxiii It is now generally accepted that, by at least the late second millennium, Iranian pastoralists (i.e. Persians) had moved into this territory and mingled with the local population.xxxiv From the late eighth century onwards, Elam experienced political problems as a result of conflict with Assyria. In the course of this, its kings had lost control of the Fars region, certainly by the middle of the seventh century, if not earlier. One outcome was the emergence of a new, small kingdom there, ruled by a Persian dynasty, whose members took the ancient and sonorous Elamite title ‘kings of Anshan’. Cyrus, whose name may itself be Elamite (Henkelman 2006: 32), proudly traces their genealogy in the Cyrus Cylinder: ‘Son of Cambyses, great king, king of Anshan, grandson of Cyrus, great king, king of Anshan, great-grandson of Teispes, great king, king of Anshan’ (Appendix, no. 1 (iv)). The historical reality of this claim is confirmed by the Elamite legend on an heirloom seal impressed on five of the published Persepolis Fortification tablets, which reads: ‘Cyrus, the Anshanite, son of Teispes’, i.e. Cyrus’ grandfather." (Kuhrt, 2006, p 14)"

Furthemore, we can tell that Cyrus' legacy is not only perceptible in the political and cultural aspects in Eastern history but as well within the region of Anshan and those by him conquered:

 "It is only with him that the landscape of Fars was transformed by the creation of the great royal residence at Pasargadae – the name taken from Cyrus’ tribe (Hdt. 1.125). It contained a series of substantial stone buildings, using novel architectural forms and lay-outs. (Kuhrt, 2006, p 14)"

To close this article, we understand that:

"In order to establish and consolidate control as firmly as possible, he needed to woo the support of local elites, something best done through accommodating himself to local norms whenever possible. But this was preceded by victory in battle and a definitive show of force, followed by no uncertain reminders to new subjects of their subservient position. (...) Cyrus was a quite remarkable soldier and politically pragmatic. The explosion in size of the tiny Persian kingdom in his reign remains astonishing.xliv His rapid conquests of vastly dispersed territories, not previously united under one political umbrella, are easily comparable, possibly greater, in their breath-taking scope and scale with Alexander of Macedon's epic achievements. This, together with the widely diffused messages of his piety and statesmanship derived from Ezra, Isaiah and Xenophon, combined with heroic stories of his rise to power, help to explain the continued persistence of his reputation as a uniquely able and merciful ruler." (Kuhrt, 2006, p 17)

Bibliography:

WATERS, Matt. "Cyrus and the Achaemenids." University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire. 2003.

KUHRT, Amélie. "Cyrus the Great of Persia: images and realities." History Department, UCL. 2006.

POTTS, D.T. "Cyrus the Great and the Kingdom of Anshan". University of Sidney. 2005.

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cyrus_the_Great

-https://www.britannica.com/biography/Cyrus-the-Great

-http://www.cyrusthegreat.net

-http://www.iranchamber.com/history/cyrus/cyrus.php

Jimmu-Tennō, First Emperor Of Japan (711 BC-585 BC): A Legendary Ruler, Descendant Of Gods

However interesting it might be in bringing to the public eye royal figures that not rarely are barely remembered in History in general, those were specially Western. In an attempt to balance these discussions on this blog, and remembering that there'd been only one post this far in regard of the royals that too made history in Eastern (that being of Chinese Empress Wu), we will be now bringing figures of the monarchy from different times that made their names (or not) in different countries.

Today, we begin with the story of a legendary ruler of Japan, an almost mythical figure that has been often credited to be the first Emperor of Japan. His name is Jinmu-Tenno, and here's what we know about him.

Jimmu's original name appears to have been Kow-yamato-iware-hiko No Mikoto, although other bibliographies here consulted differ in Kamuyamato Iwaberiko and Wakamikenu no Mikotoor Sano no Mikoto. Japanese chronicles as Kojiki, he was born on 13 February 711 BC and died, apparently on 9 April 585 BC. Where this name issue we have pointed is concerned, we might have an explanation for this in the following quote:

"According to the Kojiki, Jimmu died when he was 126 years old. This emperor's posthumous name literally means 'divine might' or 'god-warrior'. It is undisputed that his identification is Chinese in form and Buddhist in implication, which suggests that the name must have been regularized centuries after the lifetime ascribed to Jimmu. It is generally thought that Jimmu's name and character evolved into their present shape just before the time in which legends about the origins of the Yamato dynasty were chronicled in the Kojik."

There is no further indication about his life as a whole, except a mythical story as told in the next paragraph:

"Jimmu figures as a direct descendant of the sun goddess, Amaterasu via the side of his father, Ugayafukiaezu. Amaterasu had a son called Ame no Oshihomimi no Mikoto and through him a grandson named Ninigi-no-Mikoto. She sent her grandson to the Japanese islands where he eventually married Konohana-Sakuya-hime. Among their three sons was Hikohohodemi no Mikoto (...) who married Toyotama-hime. She was the daughter of Ryüjin, the Japanese sea god. They had a single son called Hikonagisa Takeugaya Fukiaezu no Mikoto. The boy was abandoned by his parents at birth and consequently raised by (...) his mother's younger sister. They eventually married and had four sons. The last of these, Kamu-yamato, Iware-biko no mikoto became Emperor Jimmu."

Furthermore,

"At this point, Jimmu is said to have ascended to the throne of Japan. Upon scalling a Nara mountain to survey the Seto Inland Sea he now controlled, Jimmu remarked that it was shaped like the 'heart' rings made by mating dragonflies, archaically akitsu. A mosquito then tried to steal Jimmu's royal blood but since Jimmu was a god incarnate emperor, akitsumikami, a dragonfly killed the mosquito. Japan thus received its classical name the Dragonfly Islands, akitsushima." 

Taking a look from a more practical view, as the likely warrior he was rather than his divine connections, we comprehend that:

"Japanese chronicles record Jimmu's expedition eastward from Hyuga in 607 BC along Japan's Inland Sea, subduing tribes as he went and ending in Yamato, where he established his centre of power. Although modern historians do not accept such details as a 7th century BC date, preferring a date in the Early Christian era, they affirm the tradition of an aggressive movement of peoples from the west."

Unfortunately, informations as those we were able to share concerning the Emperor's life are difficult to find, specially if one is not able to read in Japanese language to have access to the sources that have been mentioned here. However, this does not prevent us in writing about this formidable character and raise possibilities of interpretations that lead us to interesting discussions.

One of these interpretations we were able to raise is the place the figure of Jimmu is found between religion and war figures. This might reflect that Japan's society was very close to pre-Christianity's belief and this would remain even to our current days. Though Jimmu was not praised as his divine ancestors were, after all he was not only related to the god of the sea but also to the goddess of sun, he was very important to all of his sucessors nonetheless. Not only the Imperial House of Japan would base their claim to the Japanese throne on Jimmu's figure, but would continue to assist with respect the figure of emperor, thus making Jimmu the key for Japan's monarchy. In addition, we might think that perhaps it was more his bonds to the divine rather than his skills as a warrior that shaped Japan's monarchy, a reflection, if we dare to wonder, of a religiosity that was very immersed within the social thought of Japan's society in contast to Western's ideal of a warrior-like king that was perpetuated to most Middle Ages.

"Despite Jimmu's importance as a link between the ruling family of Japan and the divine ancestors, he has never had much of a cult following in Japan. A Shinto shrine was erected by the Japanese government in 1890 at the site of what is believed to be his burial place at Unebi."

And finally, it is interesting to take notice that:

"[...] the myt of origin has also had a stabilizing effect, ensuring that ancient traditions such as respect for ancestors, for the land itself, and loyalty to the people of the nation, have survived through into modern times." And "Jimmu has an honored place in Japanese tradition. The idea of a special bond between ruler, land and people helped to make governance more stable."

Whether he was, indeed, a powerful warrior whose deeds made him a legend throughout the centuries, holding an importance for Japan even in the present days, or he was but an mythical character, we might only speculate; yet, we would be missing the point of this discussion by limiting it to the question of his nature. Instead, Jimmu-Tenno not only contributed to Japan's empire but was also the reflect of a very religious society proving the point that sociologist Durkheim would say in his studies of religion: that a society's morality is shaped by religion, an institution without which no society survives. This much is appliable to Jimmu and the inheritance he left for the posteriority.

Bibliography:

-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emperor_Jimmu

-https://www.britannica.com/topic/Jimmu

-http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Jimmu,_Emperor_of_Japan